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Tag: Race
Research briefs, news, and event recaps related to racial minorities.
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How Crime Events Affect Employment Discrimination Against Black Men
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Summary
How does hiring managers’ exposure to violent crime events affect employment discrimination? This study sent 368 hypothetical job applications from men to 184 employers in Oakland, California, and tested the effect of race, criminal record, and exposure to violent crime on callback rates. Data show that Black applicants had an 11.6% lower callback rate than white or Hispanic applicants did. Applicants with criminal records (of all races) had an 11.9% lower callback rate than those without one. Employers that had recent exposure to violent crimes in their neighbourhood reduced callback rates for all Black applicants by 10%, regardless of whether they had a criminal record or not. White and Hispanic applicants did not experience this effect, even those with a criminal record. These results suggest that social context – both time and place – have an important impact on employment discrimination, specifically racism against Black applicants.
Research
Research suggests that having a criminal record affects callback rates for job applicants, particularly if the applicant is Black. However, the time and place in which employment discrimination happens is rarely examined. This research investigates how the social context of employers impacts callback rates for job applicants who are often subject to discrimination. Specifically, the author argues managers’ exposure to violent crime events amplifies negative stereotypes.
The study used an original field experiment and archival data. From August 2014 to December 2014, the author sent 368 hypothetical resumes to 184 real job postings and measured employer callbacks. Jobs were all in the food, beverage and hospitality industry in Oakland, California, and were found through Craigslist. Two applications were sent per posting. The author randomly assigned two dimensions to job applications: first, the perceived race of the job applicant was adjusted through the applicant’s name, and second, the applicant indicated whether he had a criminal record. Otherwise, resumes showed virtually identical employment-relevant characteristics, such as work experience, education, and gender (applicants were characterized as men).
The author also varied employers’ recent exposure to violent crime (such as assault and robbery) through the use of archival data of over 5000 crime events in Oakland. Data analysis counted an employer as recently exposed to a violent crime if the employer was located within 450m of a violent crime event that occurred up to 70 days before the job applicant’s resume submission. Some employers had higher counts of exposure compared to others, allowing for comparison.
Findings
The findings show that in general, employers’ callback rates for Black job applicants was 11.6% lower than for white or Hispanic applicants. Further, having a criminal record reduced callback rates by 11.9% for job applicants, regardless of race.
When employers were exposed to a greater than average level of violent crime, the callback rate was reduced by 10% for Black applicants, irrespective of whether they had a criminal record. In comparison, employers’ high exposure to crime did not significantly affect white or Hispanic job applicants’ callback rates, even for those with a criminal record.
Specifically, after high exposure to violent crime:
- Employers’ callback rates for Black job applicants were 10.4% for someone with a criminal record and 11.4% for those without.
- In contrast, for white applicants without a criminal record, the callback rate was 48.1%. For white applicants with a criminal record, the callback rate was 26.0%, more than twice that of Black applicants without a criminal record.
For white applicants with a criminal record, the callback rate was still 26.0%, more than twice that of Black applicants without a criminal record.
This suggests that employers in neighbourhoods with more violence preferred white applicants. Further, it suggests racist stereotypes linking Blackness and criminality are closely connected: Black job seekers in this study were disadvantaged because of their race by the events that occurred in proximity to employers. Note, however, that this effect did not hold for crime occurring over a longer time horizon (e.g., one year prior) and at further distances (e.g., a kilometer or more away).
Implications
Hiring managers must actively recognize how current and local events may activate discriminatory practices—This study shows that indirect exposure to violent crime may cause hiring managers to enact racism against Black applicants. To achieve equity and inclusion, hiring managers should understand how current and/or local events can activate their own discriminatory behaviours and actively work to counteract these effects.
Employment discrimination does not happen in a bubble, but is influenced by social contexts—While research has shown that Black job seekers consistently face employment discrimination, this study suggests that the manifestation of racial discrimination in hiring is affected by time and location. To eliminate racism, then, it is vital to address not only workplace practices, but also public policy, media, and other areas that perpetuate racial stereotyping.
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Research brief prepared by: CARMINA RAVANERA
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Title
Race, Place, and Crime: How Violent Crime Events Affect Employment Discrimination
Authors
Sanaz Mobasseri
Source
American Journal of Sociology
Published
2019
DOI
Link
https://journals.aom.org/doi/10.5465/amj.2016.1215
Research brief prepared by
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Do women in tech work experience a “glass escalator”?
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Summary
“The glass escalator” is a metaphor typically used to describe how men in feminized workplaces rise through the ranks because of gender norms and gendered job expectations. For instance, men tend to be perceived as having stronger leadership qualities than women, and thus are fast-tracked into supervisor roles. This study used data from interviews with 32 women workers in the technology field to investigate whether the glass escalator applies to women in tech – a field notoriously dominated by men – and whether race has an impact. The study discovered that a better metaphor for white women in tech is a “glass step stool”: white women are encouraged to take on mid-level managerial positions, but continue to face barriers to achieving executive-level roles. Meanwhile, women of colour do not experience this step stool, and are forced to take deliberate steps, such as further education, to achieve advancement.
Research
The metaphor of the glass escalator suggests that men in women-dominated occupations tend to move into positions of authority because they are, more than women, perceived as possessing traits desirable for leadership roles. The author of this study questioned whether this metaphor applies to women working in tech work, a field dominated by men. Although women experience barriers to advancement at work, managerial roles in technology require strong interpersonal skills. Interpersonal skills are a feminine-associated trait, and research has found that women in engineering tend to be steered towards the social aspects of their work. In contrast, engineering is a technical role and is masculine-associated. Thus, women in tech work may experience a glass escalator effect, because gender norms suggest that they would be more capable managers than engineers. The study also investigated what impact race had on women’s experiences, as prior research on women in STEM has not often focused on race and gender together.
The author conducted interviews with 32 women tech workers over the course of 18 months. Interviews focused on the women’s career paths, their experiences at work, and other career-related questions. Most worked for companies that produced computer hardware or software in tech hub cities in the United States, such as San Francisco. Thirteen participants were people of colour (six Asian and seven black or Latina). All participants except for two had at least a bachelor’s degree, eleven had a master’s, and seven had a PhD.
Findings
…women also decided to move into managerial positions to remove themselves from gendered hostility and poor work-family balance that they experienced in engineering culture.
The author discovered that white women participants experienced not a glass escalator, but a glass step stool. That is, several white women began their careers in technical career paths such as software engineering, but supervisors solicited them to take on middle manager roles due to their strong “people skills”. The women also decided to move into managerial positions to remove themselves from gendered hostility and poor work-family balance that they experienced in engineering culture. However, the move was a small step up. Firstly, there was no clear next step to higher-level leadership, as women with technical training were not represented in “C-level” roles in their companies. Secondly, becoming a manager meant a trade-off: the women were no longer developing the skills that could have allowed them to move back to a technical position, particularly considering how fast technology and its associated skills change.
In contrast to white women, women of colour had to specifically choose and work towards the jobs they wanted. Their supervisors did not identify them as having strong interpersonal skills nor encouraged them to move into management. Instead, women of colour were only identified for a position after they purposely received credentials or training for it. Moreover, some women of colour described feeling unwanted scrutiny and isolation at work, based on their race. In other words, only white women in the tech field were perceived as having managerial authority, and that authority was limited.
Implications
Moving women out of technical roles is not a solution for sexism in male-dominated fields—Although promoting women into mid-level managerial roles may seem like a solution for increasing gender diversity in leadership, this process does not transform masculine workplace cultures, and it does not improve representation of women in technical roles such as engineering. This is especially important in fields in which it is crucial to have diverse workers, such as artificial intelligence and machine learning. Rather than encouraging women to take on “social” roles that fit feminine norms, technology companies should facilitate inclusivity of women in all roles, including those that are highly masculinized.
Rather than encouraging women to take on “social” roles that fit feminine norms, technology companies should facilitate inclusivity of women in all roles, including those that are highly masculinized.
Stereotypically feminine norms often only apply to white women—This study demonstrates that jobs are not only gendered but also racialized: women of colour participants did not receive the same encouragement as white women to pursue managerial roles. This suggests that the feminine norm of having strong interpersonal skills only applied to white women. As tech companies aim to become more inclusive, it is important that they (1) recognize that the experiences of women of colour are fundamentally different from those of white women, and (2) centre rather than ignore these experiences.
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Research brief prepared by: CARMINA RAVANERA
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Title
Escalator or Step Stool? Gendered Labor and Token Processes in Tech Work
Authors
Sharla Alegria
Source
Academy of Management Journal
Published
2019
DOI
10.1177/0891243219835737
Link
https://journals.aom.org/doi/10.5465/amj.2016.1215
Research brief prepared by
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How Black job seekers are disadvantaged in network-based job searches
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Summary
Research suggests that about half of all jobs are found through network-based job searching: receiving a job lead from family, friends, or acquaintances. This study examined how social networks affect racial disparity in employment opportunity. The researchers discovered that although Black and white job seekers use their social networks to find jobs at similar rates, Black job seekers are less likely to receive a job offer through their networks. This disparity occurs through two mechanisms: Black job seekers are less likely than white job seekers to know someone who works at the companies to which they are applying, and they are less likely to have their social network contact an employer on their behalf.
Among job seekers who used their social networks, Blacks were 5% less likely than whites to receive a job offer.
Research
This study investigated why the networks of Black job seekers may be less effective than those of white job seekers in producing job offers. The researchers used data from the National Longitudinal Study of Job Search. Their sample consisted of 1,617 U.S. job seekers who responded to nine survey waves between February 2013 and November 2014. Respondents were between the ages of 18 and 64 and had looked for work in the four weeks prior to participation in the survey. Respondents gave detailed information on their demographics, employment histories, job search behaviours, and whether they had received job offers or not.
Findings
The authors discovered that Black and white job seekers used social networks to find jobs at similar rates. This indicates that the disparity in attaining a job through networks was not based on Blacks’ lack of access to networks. Researchers also found that using networks to find a job as opposed to a formal application process resulted in a higher chance of receiving a job offer, regardless of race. However, among job seekers who used their social networks, Blacks were 5% less likely than whites to receive a job offer.
The researchers predicted two mechanisms by which this disparity occurred:“network placement” and “network mobilization”. For network placement, Blacks may be less likely than whites to have contacts with hiring authority or in high status-positions, which could influence whether they receive a job offer. For network mobilization, Black applicants’ contacts in their social networks may be more hesitant than whites’ to mobilize their resources and contact companies on behalf of the applicant. This is because making a job referral can be risky, and in Black communities, individuals tend to have less secure employment.
Data analysis showed that the researchers’ predictions were correct: Black job seekers who used networks were less likely than white job seekers to know someone working at the company to which they applied. Specifically, white job seekers knew someone at the company for 65.2% of their network-based applications, compared to only 56.3% for Black job seekers. Black job seekers’ networks were also less likely to contact the company on their behalf than white job seekers’ networks: whites’ contacts contacted the company on their behalf 25.4% of the time, compared to 20.0% for Blacks. Together, these mechanisms can explain one-fifth of the disparity in job offers between Black and white job seekers.
Implications
- Network-based job search benefits Black job seekers less than white job seekers — This research demonstrates that Black and white job seekers use social networks to find jobs at similar rates. However, they do not receive job offers at similar rates, because Black job seekers’ networks are less well-positioned. Hiring managers should pay attention to who they are hiring based on referrals, and assess whether these networks are unfairly disadvantaging certain demographic groups.
- Diverse teams can facilitate further hiring from diverse groups — If Blacks and other marginalized groups were better represented in organizations, and particularly in positions of power rather than in insecure or low-paying jobs, they would likely use their social networks to facilitate more diverse hiring. Ensuring the retaining and promoting of employees from diverse groups is an important step to facilitate more diverse hires in general.
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Research brief prepared by: CARMINA RAVANERA
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Title
Race and Networks in the Job Search Process
Authors
David S. Pedulla, Devah Pager
Source
American Sociological Review
Published
2019
DOI
10.1177/0003122419883255
Link
https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/10.1177/0003122419883255
Research brief prepared by
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Hadiya Roderique on the gender pay gap from the law firm to academia
In this Maclean’s video, GATE-funded researcher Hadiya Roderique discusses her personal experiences with the gender wage gap and what she thinks companies can do to address the issue.
This video is a part of a series of video interviews and articles published by Maclean’s for its February 2018 issue focused on pay equity.
Hadiya Roderique is currently a doctoral candidate in Organizational Behavior and Human Resources Management. Her funded project is called, “Race, Gender and Agency in Leadership: An Examination of Intersectional Identities and Agentic Penalties.” This research project will examine the effect of different agentic, leadership behaviors on evaluations of Black and White women leaders. The study predicts that unlike their White counterparts, Black women will be protected from agentic penalties where the described behavior aligns with stereotypes associated with their race and gender.
