Author: Gender and the Economy

  • Social class and gender in professional firms

    Social class and gender in professional firms

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    Summary

    Social class advantages are well-documented in American society, particularly in education. However, little research has been done on how this advantage plays out in the workforce. This study finds that while higher-class applicants to large American law firms are largely seen as a better fit culturally, only for men does this translate into increased interview invitations. For high-class women, their social status triggers a “commitment penalty” where the prospective employer questions whether these women will be as committed as men to the long hours and high expectations through their child-bearing years.

    Research

    Research on social class – defined in this study as one’s relative socioeconomic rank in society –inequalities has primarily focused on children’s academic success and access to higher education. This paper sought to examine how signals of social class affect employers’ hiring decisions. Social class is a meaningful status characteristic that influences people’s perceptions and expectations, as is gender. While research has shown that education has a significant impact on a person’s economic position, this paper seeks to examine how social class continues to influence a person’s economic trajectory beyond school. In particular, the authors were keen to identify any gender differences in how social class signals may help or hinder applicants for jobs.

    The authors used a résumé audit experiment and a survey of law professionals to study how social class and gender influence the job application processes at large American law firms. In the résumé audit experiment, four résumés were developed with differences only in first name (to signal gender) and five additional aspects: last name, nature of financial aid received, campus activities, athletic participation, and musical taste (to signal social class). Over 300 applications for summer associate positions supposedly from law students at a selective but second-tier law school were randomly sent to elite law firms across the United States.

    While all other aspects of the résumés were identical, the gender and social class indicators had a profound effect on the rate that applicants were called for interviews.

    Of the four different résumés (higher-class male, higher-class female, lower-class male, lower-class female) sent out for consideration, the interview invitation rate for the higher-class male applicant was more than four times as high as the average invitation rate for the other three applicants (and this difference was statistically significant). Higher-class signals dramatically increased the chances of applicants being invited for an interview, but only for male applicants.

    While these results were compelling, they gave no indication why this discrepancy exists. The survey of over 200 law professionals across the United States was designed to identify why higher-class male and female applicants were evaluated differently. The survey respondents rated the four applicant profiles used in the résumé audit study on competence and warmth, masculinity and femininity, commitment, and fit. The respondents were then asked who they would recommend for a summer associate position and why. Again, this survey found that higher-class male applicants were significantly more likely to be recommended for an interview than the other three applicant categories.

    When it came to culture fit, higher-class applicants were seen as overall more compatible than lower-class applicants, but there were important gender differences. While the respondents did not rank the higher-class male applicant higher on competence or warmth, there was a clear difference when it came to commitment and fit. Higher-class male applicants were seen as significantly more committed than higher-class women to working and building a career at a law firm. In addition, higher-class women were also seen as a significantly less committed than lower-class women.

    To gain additional insights on these results, the authors conducted interviews with law professionals and found that higher-class women are perceived as less committed (and therefore a higher attrition risk) because they are expected to leave to raise children or to pursue a less intensive career. In contrast, lower-class women were expected to have fewer alternative options and therefore seen as more likely to remain committed to the long hours and hard work.

    In contrast, while attrition rates are high among law firm associates, there is no difference between the genders. Even while men are just as likely to leave a law firm as women, they are not perceived as less committed or more of a flight risk.

    These findings reveal discrimination against higher-class women for their potential to become mothers, not their actual parental status.

    Implications

    • Eliminate social class indicators before review – In elite labour markets like law, medicine, and business, expectations related to social class should be consciously avoided when reviewing applications for employment – for example, by eliminating information related to hobbies and extracurricular activities from the résumés prior to review. Culture fit can be better determined through the interview process and higher-class women, in particular, should not be penalized for expectations of their commitment or future behaviour related to child-rearing. Such perceptions lead to hiring based on bias and overlook candidates who may ultimately be the best choice for a company.

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    Title

    Class Advantage, Commitment Penalty: The Gendered Effect of Social Class Signals in an Elite Labor Market

    Authors

    Lauren A. Rivera and
    András Tilcsik

    Institutions

    Northwestern University,
    University of Toronto

    Source

    American Sociological Review

    Published

    October 2016

    DOI

    http://journals.sagepub.com/doi/abs/10.1177/0003122416668154

    Research brief prepared by

    Celeste Jalbert

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  • Are computers named James worth more than computers named Julie?

    Are computers named James worth more than computers named Julie?

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    Summary

    We know that people use status characteristics (widely-held societal expectations about a group) as a shortcut to understanding how a group (e.g. women, men) might perform and how valuable the group is. Sociological research has shown us that gender is an important status marker–male gender is seen as higher status while female gender is seen as lower status. This study uses computers named Julie and James to test how people apply the status marker of “gender” while controlling for all other factors. In particular, the researchers observed the different ranking that occurred when people evaluated the performance of the computers named James and Julie. Ultimately, participants estimated the value of James-computers to be much higher than that of the Julie-computers.

    Research

    Prior research has shown that people’s perceptions of their technology-enabled devices can be shaped by social categories. This paper applies the status characteristics theory (SCT) from sociology to interactions between a human and a computer. Status characteristics are human attributes that influence people’s expectations of performance and status processes (ranking) emerge when these expectations of performance vary by group (e.g. women, men). We might think this is only applicable to narrow factors like mathematical ability, but it applies more broadly to diffuse characteristics like intelligence.

    This paper sought to determine when status characteristics (e.g. performance, perceived economic value) become relevant in human-computer interactions and what status processes (ranking) emerge.

    We assume that certain characteristics are universal in groups unless individuals prove otherwise or somehow disassociate the characteristic from the task upon which they are being evaluated (this is known as the “burden-of-proof” assumption–where it is left to the individual to prove otherwise). It is well-documented that traits such as sexual orientation, race, ethnicity, and gender have influenced the way people perceive performance on tasks unrelated to these social categories.

    This study observed users’ expectations, ratings, and valuations of identical computers named James and Julie and revealed three important findings. Men and women alike (in fact, many more women participated in the study than men) had equal confidence in the James and Julie computers; and evaluated the machines’ performance equally.

    The machines were identical in performance but users assigned a monetary value to Julie-computers that was 25% less than James-computers.

    However, even with no perceived performance difference, the economic value applied to James and Julie computers was significantly different. The machines were identical in performance but users assigned a monetary value to Julie-computers that was 25% less than James-computers.

    Gender inequality is well-documented in the labor market in regard to salaries, occupations, and positions of leadership. Given this pervasive inequality in the economic marketplace, this study suggests that the mere reference of economic value may activate people’s assumptions about women’s performance (expected to be less) compared to men’s (expected to be higher).

    Implications

    • Recognize underlying biases – These results are consistent with other studies that have shown how equally performing humans are still devalued because of gender characteristics. This provides additional evidence that we need to be gender-blind or gender aware when we make evaluations.
    • Be aware of unconscious biases during the development of a product – Gender is relevant to how people value technology and this may also extend to the implicit gendering of products. As we think about personifying technologies, care should be taken when naming or developing characteristics of technology products.

    [/fusion_text][fusion_separator style_type=”none” hide_on_mobile=”small-visibility,medium-visibility,large-visibility” class=”” id=”” sep_color=”” top_margin=”20″ bottom_margin=”20″ border_size=”” icon=”” icon_circle=”” icon_circle_color=”” width=”” alignment=”center” /][fusion_button link=”https://www.gendereconomy.org/research-briefs/” text_transform=”” title=”” target=”_blank” link_attributes=”” alignment=”” modal=”” hide_on_mobile=”small-visibility,medium-visibility,large-visibility” class=”” id=”” color=”custom” button_gradient_top_color=”#62bd19″ button_gradient_bottom_color=”#62bd19″ button_gradient_top_color_hover=”#00c2e2″ button_gradient_bottom_color_hover=”#00c2e2″ accent_color=”” accent_hover_color=”” type=”” bevel_color=”” border_width=”” size=”” stretch=”yes” shape=”” icon=”” icon_position=”left” icon_divider=”no” animation_type=”” animation_direction=”left” animation_speed=”0.3″ animation_offset=””]See more research briefs[/fusion_button][fusion_separator style_type=”none” hide_on_mobile=”small-visibility,medium-visibility,large-visibility” class=”” id=”” sep_color=”” top_margin=”20″ bottom_margin=”20″ border_size=”” icon=”” icon_circle=”” icon_circle_color=”” width=”” alignment=”center” /][fusion_recent_posts layout=”default” hover_type=”none” columns=”3″ number_posts=”3″ offset=”0″ pull_by=”category” cat_slug=”research-briefs” exclude_cats=”” tag_slug=”” exclude_tags=”” thumbnail=”yes” title=”yes” meta=”no” meta_author=”no” meta_categories=”no” meta_date=”yes” meta_comments=”yes” meta_tags=”no” content_alignment=”” excerpt=”no” excerpt_length=”35″ strip_html=”yes” scrolling=”no” hide_on_mobile=”small-visibility,medium-visibility,large-visibility” class=”” id=”” animation_type=”” animation_direction=”left” animation_speed=”0.3″ animation_offset=”” /][/fusion_builder_column][fusion_builder_column type=”1_4″ layout=”1_4″ spacing=”” center_content=”no” hover_type=”none” link=”” min_height=”” hide_on_mobile=”small-visibility,medium-visibility,large-visibility” class=”” id=”” background_color=”” background_image=”” background_position=”left top” background_repeat=”no-repeat” border_size=”0″ border_color=”” border_style=”solid” border_position=”all” padding_top=”” padding_right=”” padding_bottom=”” padding_left=”” dimension_margin=”” animation_type=”” animation_direction=”left” animation_speed=”0.3″ animation_offset=”” last=”no”][fusion_title margin_top=”” margin_bottom=”” hide_on_mobile=”small-visibility,medium-visibility,large-visibility” class=”briefsummary” id=”” size=”3″ content_align=”left” style_type=”none” sep_color=””]

    Title

    Class Advantage, Commitment Penalty: The Gendered Effect of Social Class Signals in an Elite Labor Market

    Authors

    Marek N. Posard

    Institutions

    University of Maryland

    Source

    Computers in Human
    Behavior

    Published

    May 2014

    DOI

    S0747563214002349

    Research brief prepared by

    Celeste Jalbert[/fusion_title][fusion_widget_area name=”avada-custom-sidebar-researchbriefsidebar” title_size=”” title_color=”” background_color=”” padding_top=”” padding_right=”” padding_bottom=”” padding_left=”” hide_on_mobile=”small-visibility,medium-visibility,large-visibility” class=”” id=”” /][/fusion_builder_column][/fusion_builder_row][/fusion_builder_container]

  • Masculine norms keep us from gender equality

    Masculine norms keep us from gender equality

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    Summary

    Supportive work-family policies have become increasingly more common but evidence indicates that these policies are far more likely to influence women’s behavior and preferences than men’s. This paper explores how men’s gender ideologies and their perceptions of cultural norms shape their response to supportive work-family policies. The research shows that men’s responses to these policies are shaped less by their own personal beliefs, and by their perceptions of what is accepted and expected by their male peers.

    Research

    A significant slow-down in progress towards gender equality has been well documented in recent years. One possible explanation is that in most workplaces, work-family policies and people’s opinions of these policies reflect more traditional norms around work-family arrangements. At the same time, work schedules are becoming increasingly unpredictable, with companies requiring their employees to be available for longer and for more irregular hours–such that the “ideal worker” is untethered by other obligations. In parallel, parents are under increasing pressure to devote more time and resources to raising their children. To help alleviate this tension in heterosexual couples, women are significantly more likely to prefer and seek egalitarian relationships (where both parents share the economic and household work) when supportive work-family policies are available. However, research has shown that men’s preferences remain largely unaffected by the availability of these policies.

    Possible explanations for this relate to men’s perception that because they are often paid more than women in the same jobs, they have more to lose if they take time off or make more time in their day for caregiving. Men are also far more likely to be enabled by a spouse (who may work less or not at all), to work longer and more unpredictable hours. However, studies have also shown that men’s lack of interest in supportive work-family policies is more deeply rooted in their beliefs and masculine identities than in their concerns about economic consequences.

    Men often face social stigma when they take advantage of supportive work-family policies because this is seen as a violation of traditional masculine norms.

    Though there is some evidence that when there are standardized expectations (such as the “use it or lose it” national policy in Sweden), this increases the number of men taking advantage of these policies. This paper examines whether these social norms have greater influence over men’s preferred work-family arrangements than their own personal beliefs.

    The study conducted a survey experiment with a diverse cross-section of young (18-32), unmarried men with no children in the US. The participants were asked a series of questions about their preferred relationship structure (i.e. egalitarian, self-reliant, primary breadwinner, or primary homemaker) under two conditions: with or without supportive work-family policies.

    The findings show that men’s gender ideologies (their views on gender roles in the home and the workplace) did not influence how receptive they were to the work-family policies. Men with more progressive gender ideologies, not surprisingly, favored more progressive relationship structures overall. However, the presence of supportive work-family policies did not significantly increase the percentage of men (with either progressive or conservative gender ideologies) opting for more progressive relationship structures.

    What did influence men’s preference for more progressive relationship structures in the condition with supportive work-family policies was men’s perceptions about masculine norms. For men who believed that other men wanted progressive relationship structures, their preference for egalitarian arrangements at home was significantly higher if supportive work-family policies were in place.

    Men’s responses to work-family policies are shaped more by their perceptions of masculine norms than their own personal ideologies.

    The study concludes that men’s responses to work-family policies (resulting in their likelihood to prefer egalitarian arrangements at home) are shaped more by their perceptions of masculine norms (what the men around them do, desire, or expect) than their own personal ideologies. While we tend to focus on the stalled revolution for women, men have been left behind as our expectations of their behavior has hardly changed at all.

    Implications

    • Implementing supportive work-family policies is not enough on its own – Women and men equally need encouragement and support to take advantage of these policies and men in particular need to be modelled egalitarian relationships by their peers and leaders.
    • Work-family policies are also about solving a man’s problem – The dearth of supportive work-family politics holds back men who may want to take advantage of them, further compounding the issue as men are so influenced by the behavior of their peers.
    • Men’s perceptions about masculine norms influence their reception to work-family policies – For men who believed that other men wanted progressive relationship structures, their preference for egalitarian arrangements at home was significantly higher if supportive work-family policies were in place. This indicates that an overall cultural change must take place; something that can be encouraged within organizations.

    [/fusion_text][fusion_separator style_type=”none” hide_on_mobile=”small-visibility,medium-visibility,large-visibility” class=”” id=”” sep_color=”” top_margin=”20″ bottom_margin=”20″ border_size=”” icon=”” icon_circle=”” icon_circle_color=”” width=”” alignment=”center” /][fusion_button link=”https://www.gendereconomy.org/research-briefs/” text_transform=”” title=”” target=”_blank” link_attributes=”” alignment=”” modal=”” hide_on_mobile=”small-visibility,medium-visibility,large-visibility” class=”” id=”” color=”custom” button_gradient_top_color=”#62bd19″ button_gradient_bottom_color=”#62bd19″ button_gradient_top_color_hover=”#00c2e2″ button_gradient_bottom_color_hover=”#00c2e2″ accent_color=”” accent_hover_color=”” type=”” bevel_color=”” border_width=”” size=”” stretch=”yes” shape=”” icon=”” icon_position=”left” icon_divider=”no” animation_type=”” animation_direction=”left” animation_speed=”0.3″ animation_offset=””]See more research briefs[/fusion_button][fusion_separator style_type=”none” hide_on_mobile=”small-visibility,medium-visibility,large-visibility” class=”” id=”” sep_color=”” top_margin=”20″ bottom_margin=”20″ border_size=”” icon=”” icon_circle=”” icon_circle_color=”” width=”” alignment=”center” /][fusion_recent_posts layout=”default” hover_type=”none” columns=”3″ number_posts=”3″ offset=”0″ pull_by=”category” cat_slug=”research-briefs” exclude_cats=”” tag_slug=”” exclude_tags=”” thumbnail=”yes” title=”yes” meta=”no” meta_author=”no” meta_categories=”no” meta_date=”yes” meta_comments=”yes” meta_tags=”no” content_alignment=”” excerpt=”no” excerpt_length=”35″ strip_html=”yes” scrolling=”no” hide_on_mobile=”small-visibility,medium-visibility,large-visibility” class=”” id=”” animation_type=”” animation_direction=”left” animation_speed=”0.3″ animation_offset=”” /][/fusion_builder_column][fusion_builder_column type=”1_4″ layout=”1_4″ spacing=”” center_content=”no” hover_type=”none” link=”” min_height=”” hide_on_mobile=”small-visibility,medium-visibility,large-visibility” class=”” id=”” background_color=”” background_image=”” background_position=”left top” background_repeat=”no-repeat” border_size=”0″ border_color=”” border_style=”solid” border_position=”all” padding_top=”” padding_right=”” padding_bottom=”” padding_left=”” dimension_margin=”” animation_type=”” animation_direction=”left” animation_speed=”0.3″ animation_offset=”” last=”no”][fusion_title margin_top=”” margin_bottom=”” hide_on_mobile=”small-visibility,medium-visibility,large-visibility” class=”briefsummary” id=”” size=”3″ content_align=”left” style_type=”none” sep_color=””]

    Title

    Masculinity and the Stalled Revolution: How gender ideologies and norms shape young men’s responses to work-family policies

    Authors

    Sarah Thébaud, David S.Pedulla

    Institutions

    University of California
    Santa Barbara, University
    of Texas at Austin

    Source

    Gender & Society

    Published

    August 2016

    DOI

    590.abstract

    Link

    http://sagepub.com/
    articles?id=10.1257/
    aer.p20161032

    Research brief prepared by

    Celeste Jalbert[/fusion_title][fusion_widget_area name=”avada-custom-sidebar-researchbriefsidebar” title_size=”” title_color=”” background_color=”” padding_top=”” padding_right=”” padding_bottom=”” padding_left=”” hide_on_mobile=”small-visibility,medium-visibility,large-visibility” class=”” id=”” /][/fusion_builder_column][/fusion_builder_row][/fusion_builder_container]

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